Hey all, what follows below is the draft of my proposal. I hope that it’s as interesting to read as it was to write. I could really use ya’ll critical assessment of the whole thing.
American Dreams July 4, 1865: A Nation in Search of Itself.
Initial statement of findings
On July 4, 1865 James Lynch, soon to become Mississippi’s first African American Secretary of State under its reconstruction government, stated the demands of the recently freed slaves before an assemblage of 4,000 freed-people in Augusta, Ga. In a section titled What the Colored Man Asks, Lynch proclaimed: “he asks to stay in the land of his birth, to till the soil and labor in the workshop, and to fill positions of usefulness under these bright skies that smile[d] on his infancy. He asks and demands protection in the enjoyment of his liberty, which is only secured by equality before the law.”[i] Likewise, on the same day, the Colored People’s National Lincoln Monument Association held a celebration in Washington, D.C., commemorating the fallen president in which the master of Ceremonies read a letter from Frederick Douglass emphasizing the importance of Negro suffrage: “The one thought to be emphasized and deeply underscored on that occasion is this: The immediate, complete, and universal enfranchisement of the colored people of the whole country. This is demanded both by justice and national honor. . . . The great want of the country is to be rid of the negro question, and it can never be rid of that question until justice, right, and sound policy are complied with.”[ii] In the oration that followed William Howard Day, a graduate of Oberlin College, whose mother was one of the founders of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, expounded a vision of slavery as a two-hundred year “wave of blood” which by God’s providence had been set backward, and visited upon “the hearts and homes of the nation.”[iii] Yet, Day, as was the case with other African Americans on this national anniversary, perceived the national bloodshed as serving the higher purpose of freedom: “On these successive waves of blood, rising higher and higher, year by year, the colored man has been borne on and up to freedom, and must be borne outward still, to full enfranchisement.”[iv] The image thus presented was both of a glorious war of liberation and of a commitment to realize its results.
Not confined to prominent men and educated northern blacks the sentiment everywhere among African Americans, on the first Fourth of July after Appomattox, contained both elements of a hopeful promise for the future, and the necessary requirement of confronting racist realities in a former slave society. Sergeant William A. Warfield of the 119th U.S. Colored Infantry, in a letter to the Weekly Anglo African stated both conditions with clarity and verve. First he illustrated the meaning independence held for former slaves, and their corresponding desire for a brighter tomorrow: “This is an age of wonders, and not least among them is the celebration of the Fourth of July at Camp Nelson, Ky., by the colored people. To see so many thousands who a year ago were slaves, congregate in the heart of a slave State and celebrate the day sacred to the cause of freedom . . . was a grand spectacle. It was the first time we have ever been permitted to celebrate the Nation’s Day.”[v] Second, Sergeant Warfield gave voice to a desire for equality and a determination for its achievement worthy of Douglass, James Lynch, or William Day. Moreover, while the orators and intellectual leaders of the black community affirmed a public principle before a large audience, Warfield demonstrated a private commitment, openly expressed, to strive for rights not yet secured:
If we would obtain our just privileges, we must strive for them [emphasis in original]. We must be willing to pay the same price that other people have always been compelled to pay. By laboring for our own cause we show, in the first place that we understand and appreciate what our rights are; in the second place, that we have the courage and manhood to ask for them; in the third place, that we are determined, sooner or later to have them. We need not expect those who have held us as slaves, and regarded us as incapable of an honorable position in government and society, to grant us that which we are indisposed to labor for.”[vi]
Collectively, the African American Community—regardless of region, class, or previous condition of servitude—emerged from the Civil War with a firm desire to secure the full rights of citizenship purchased by their bravery on the battlefield. The Elevator, a California Newspaper dedicated to “equality before the law” and advancing the rights of African Americans in a state which restricted citizenship to white men said of Negro suffrage that “nothing ‘has been accomplished for the Negro during the past four years’ but what the exigencies of the times and the God-scourged people demanded. We are not content with what you [were] compelled to grant, or what was grudgingly given, or else the nation would have been rent in twain.”[vii] Clearly, the black community arose from the civil war with a shared sense of national purpose, a dedication to the half-finished work begun by the Civil War, and a commitment to securing the promises of the Second American Revolution.
The dreams of African Americans for full equality before the law, and a measure of equal citizenship, however, fundamentally clashed with the desires of current and former slave-owners who wished to create a dependent labor force, curtail African American civil rights, and preserve a modicum of the antebellum way of life. Northern abolitionists, and teary-eyed reformers, might agree with William Garrison that “Hitherto the returning anniversary of the Fourth of July . . . has been a bitter mockery to the millions held in the galling chains of slavery on our soil and a satire upon all our professions as a free and Christian people. On Tuesday next, for the first time, it will be celebrated with something like the semblance of consistency and in the semblance of universal emancipation.”[viii] Yet, without fully knowing it, Garrison presumed that universal emancipation was everywhere fully realized. On the contrary, despite his rosy words, the following Tuesday did not dawn bathed in the collective sunshine of human rights for all. Even as the Thirteenth Amendment made its way through the ratification process, and as James Lynch propounded that “this great Republic was raised up to elevate humanity and to oppose the despotism of the universe,” in the state of Kentucky A.J. Beale sold to Angeline Outland a “negro girl” for another African American woman “equal in value” and certified her soundness on “this the 4[th] day [of] July[,] 1865.”[ix] Slavery far from being dead was very much alive in the state of Kentucky, which remained in control of a conservative coalition of Unionists firmly opposed to any change in the relationship between master and slave.
What is more, in the states of the old confederacy, where the war had brought about emancipation, former slave-owners clung to their old justifications and old beliefs with a tenacity revealed in words and deeds. Still believing that their former slaves were the “descendants of Ham,” and that “service in some form is their heritage,” white southerners fought through legal and extra-legal means to re-assert or maintain their mastery.[x] In Tennessee William Bonner, calling upon the help of three federal soldiers—Privates Mathew Mullins, Tyler Harrison and Captain Adkins—tied his house servant, Henry Bonner to a tree and administered 150 lashes with elm branches, whipping him twice. In the testimony of Mathew Mullins: “we whipped him for saucing his master Wm. Bonner—we were sent out under the charge of the home guard captain and were to do what he directed and [Bonner] directed the party to whip the negro.”[xi] Even after four years of bloody conflict the realities of human bondage remained, both in slave-holding border-states, and in the erstwhile confederacy,.
In other parts of the South, the Fourth of July took on the sullen air of a defiant refusal to acknowledge the realities of defeat. Mary Boykin Chesnut wrote in her diary from Camden, South Carolina that “Our people were all at home quiet, orderly, respectfull [sic], and at their usual work. There was nothing to show that any one of them had ever seen a Yankee or knew that there was one in existence.”[xii] Likewise, the Norfolk Post, gave its readers the following advice: “Let our people who are now mourning over the loses of the last four years, pause for one moment in their lamentations, and think for one moment how much greater were our forefathers in the war of revolution and that of 1812.”[xiii] Furthermore, the paper added in a tone of passive-aggressive warning: “We counsel all soberness and propriety, and let all abstain from too much enthusiasm, as the weather is hot and the consequences to [the public] health might be very detrimental.”[xiv] Or, as a Mathew Woodruff, a sergeant in the Union Army recounted from Vicksburg, Mississippi, on this day: “The war is over, but I am sorry to say the people does [sic] not do honor to the fallen Braves, or the suffering communities of our Nation.”[xv] In short, the actualities of conquest were far from being universally acknowledged, and many former confederates stood opposed to any sort of reconciliation.
Still elsewhere in the former confederacy, in Texas, people stood resigned to reunion and life under the old flag, but greatly feared the prospect of a coming race war. As General Phillip H. Sheridan wrote in his memoirs concerning the condition of Texas in July, 1865: “It was greatly feared that political rights were to be given those so recently in servitude, and as it was generally believed that such enfranchisement would precipitate a race war unless the freedmen were overawed and kept in a state of subjection, acts of intimidation were soon reported from all parts of the State.”[xvi] In a similar fashion, one Texas newspaper, The Bellville Countryman, publicly expressed Sheridan’s observations while commemorating the Fourth of July: “There being no demonstrations here today . . . we have concluded to raise the ‘stars and stripes’ ourselves. We expect to remain in Texas, and to live under the old flag. But we don’t want to fight under that flag,—nor any other. We are opposed to the NEXT WAR [emphasis in original].”[xvii] On the same page, giving a concrete reality to the possibility of intimidation, the paper reported that “Peter, a gentleman of color, who has for several months past occupied rooms at the County Hotel [Jail] at this place and been fed at the public crib, stepped out last night (July 3), by permission of the proprietor, to procure a drink of cold water at an adjacent house, and has not yet returned.”[xviii] Clearly the hopes of southern blacks for equality before the law and basic safety relative to southern whites could not be maintained without outside enforcement.
The governing powers of the South, however, seemed far more concerned with maintaining and securing a reliable black labor force, and with implementing means of social control than they did in creating any sort of public safety for the former slaves. As Carl Schurz relayed to President Andrew Johnson in his Report on the Condition of the South 1865, white southerners felt that “the blacks at large belong to the whites at large,” and that “the negro will not work without physical compulsion.”[xix] The planter class remained determined to reassert its mastery. Believing that “these niggers will all be slaves again in twelve months,” and that the National Government possessed “nothing but Lincoln proclamations to make them free,” the White South, set about to re-assert its mastery over labor with the help of municipal, state, and, where possible, federal authorities both in the army and the recently formed freedman’s bureau.[xx] The town of Opelousas, Louisiana passed the following municipal ordinance which took effect on the Fourth of July, 1865. Thirteen regulations effectively restricted the movement, status, and opportunity of freedmen and women, so that the only place for them in society was working for their former masters. No freedman was allowed to come within the city limits without permission from his employer, and every black found on the streets after 10’oclock at night, or three p.m. on Sundays, was thrown in jail and compelled to labor on public works. No African American was allowed to own or rent property within the city limits or reside there without permission from an employer. Both public meetings and black preachers were forbidden without permission from the mayor. Additionally no freed person was allowed to carry a firearm that was not in military service, and no person of color was permitted to buy, sell, trade, or barter any merchandise without the written permission of an employer, the mayor, or the president of the board.[xxi]
In cases where such municipal ordinances did not exist, planters and freedman’s bureau agents worked in conjunction to create a dependent labor force by forcing former bonds-people into contracts at well below market value. James Yeatman, writing to O.O. Howard on this day expressed his observations that “the tendency everywhere is to pay too little. I have seen no wages named either by employers, military commandants or others which would be deemed fair and just compensation were they the owner of the negro, and hiring them to labor for others.”[xxii] As a case in point, James Eason in a contract with his former slave Eddy dated July 4, 1865, guaranteed him and the eleven people in his household one thirty-second of the crop in exchange for an entire year’s labor. As a condition of the contract, Eddy and his family agreed to “remain with and serve him the said Eason, their former owner as they have heretofore done for and during the remainder of the present year.”[xxiii] In a similar fashion to northern iron ore miners whose wages fell from a wartime high of $2.50 a day in July of 1864, to a post-war value of $1.50 a day in July of 1865, freed slaves found their labor worth far less to themselves in freedom than it had been to their masters under slavery before and during the war.[xxiv] The realities of the industrial revolution, intensified by the war, meant that the values of free labor ideology were becoming obsolescent, to be replaced by a new reality of dependence upon an impersonal market.
Northern Reformers, and members of the African American community might agree with New York State Senator Palmer Havens that “negro suffrage is absolutely essential to our future peace and safety,” but these individuals faced stiff resistance in implementing their vision of the future from more conservative northern whites, recalcitrant southerners still dealing with the realities of southern defeat, and those in the border states who wished to perpetuate slavery.[xxv] The Reverend Frederick Brown, might proclaim before the congregation of the Central Presbyterian Church in Chicago that “swords are beating into ploughshares and spears into pruning hooks,” but the mysteries of Peter’s fate at the hands of persons unknown, belied the mythic image of peaceful coexistence.[xxvi] The bloody contest between competing armies on the battlefield stood resolved, but the sanguinary war of competing principles, and with it the bloody contest regarding the meaning of the civil war had yet to be determined. The competing dreams unleashed by the Second American Revolution shown visibly on this day of national observance, but their truths remained to be realized.
Literature Review and Discussion of Major Themes.
Nearly a century after Charles and Mary Beard labeled the Civil War, the Second American Revolution historians still contest its meaning. In Beardian parlance the Civil War was a “social war, ending in the unquestioned establishment of a new power in the government, making vast changes in the arrangement of classes, in the accumulation and distribution of wealth, in the course of industrial development, and in the constitution inherited from the Fathers.”[xxvii] Beard’s view of the Civil War, as a social war between distinct groups in American society, has much to offer, for each sectional group or social class possessed its own view of the conflict. To northerners the war was an attempt to save the union, transformed into a war against slavery by slow, painful degrees. To white southerners the conflict was the second war for independence, and it was when the Yankees stole their country and their slaves from them. Finally, to the African American population it was a war for liberation, a contest that defined their position in the country: delivering them from the cotton, rice, and tobacco fields, placing muskets in their hands, and creating citizens out of former slaves. These three distinct views of the conflict each, in turn, birthed their own historiographical traditions. To Alan Nevins, the civil war was a War for the Union. To Edward Channing and to Shelby Foote the conflict was a southern war for hearth and home, while to W.E.B. Dubois and the scholars who rediscovered him in the 1960s, the Civil War was the “most dramatic episode in American history [this] the sudden move to free four million slaves in an effort to stop a great civil war, to end forty years of bitter controversy, and to appease the moral sense of civilization.”[xxviii] In many ways, these three views of the Civil War continue to shape our opinions, and fuel many mythologies concerning the war. As James McPherson and James K. Hogue wrote in 2009 “the civil war is the central event in the American historical consciousness.”[xxix] But, without Reconstruction, the Civil War was a revolution only half completed.
In a recent book, The Fall of the house of Dixie, Bruce Levine argues that “this great and terrible war undermined the economic, social, and political foundations of the old South, destroying human bondage and the storied world of the slaveholding elite.”[xxx] Levine, however, declines to extend his narrative much beyond Appomattox, and, as previously demonstrated, slavery was still very much a reality on the Fourth of July 1865. Dying but not dead the removal of involuntary servitude was by no means certain until the final ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. As a case in point, Missouri, on July 4, 1865, ratified its new constitution, which would have extended slavery in that state until 1876 under a scheme of gradual emancipation.[xxxi] Even so, much mythology concerning slavery and the course of the war exists both in the popular and scholarly imaginations. Building on the work of Ken Burns, whose Civil War documentary captured the hearts of the nation, these narratives of the conflict perpetuate an image in which the war that freed the slaves began in Wilbur Maclean’s backyard and ended in his living room. But this narrative does not do justice to the complex realities of the Second American Revolution. When W.E.B. Dubois, wrote in Crisis Magazine for February 1912, that “this country has had its appetite for facts on the Civil War and the Negro problem spoiled by sweets,” he spoke against such oversimplified understandings of the war that reduce it to a tragedy with a happy ending.[xxxii] Michael Vorenberg writing in Final Freedom: The Civil War, The Abolition of Slavery and the Thirteenth Amendment, argues that “by itself, the Emancipation Proclamation did not free a single slave.”[xxxiii] The process by which the dreams of the Second American Revolution became reality, therefore, must include Reconstruction as a fundamental part of the struggle, and not as a separate chapter in the nation’s history.
Additionally, to fully capture the long term effects of this massive upheaval in the nation’s political, social, and economic institutions, historians should speak of a long civil war, much as they speak of a long nineteenth century. Only when viewed as a single unit—stemming from 1860 until 1877 and encompassing all of Reconstruction—do the realities of the Second American Revolution emerge with any clarity. Otherwise, stopping the narrative at Appomattox leaves the revolution unfulfilled. But once again, including Reconstruction divides the narrative along racial and sectional lines. To Southerners, Reconstruction flew in the face of everything they believed concerning the place of African Americans in society. Still struggling with the realities of Confederate defeat, they faced also the experience of a world turned upside down, in which competent, capable former slaves and free northern African Americans attempted to fashion a freedom fully actualized. Out of the experiences of Reconstruction, the South fashioned its own historiography: a narrative contained in the Dunning school with its myth of Reconstruction as a “tragic era” that captured the emotional dislocation that white Southerners felt at being on the losing end of the second American Revolution. Likewise, to northerners, progressive historians of the New Left, and those generations appearing after the 1960s, who interpreted Reconstruction in light of the Civil Rights Movement and the rediscovery of W.E.B. Dubois, the period was, in the words of Eric Foner: “[the] first attempt to live up to the noble professions of [America’s] political creed.”[xxxiv] But is it a fair assessment to characterize Reconstruction as an attempt to create an idea of “national citizenship whose equal rights belonged to all Americans regardless of race,” when Native Americans would not gain their rights as citizens until 1924, or, when an orator, mocking the progressive spirit of Abolitionists on July 4, 1865, could say: “Let us all hope that the political millennium is at hand, when the lion and the lamb shall lie down together, and if the lamb should happen to be inside of the lion it is the lamb’s fault, and will be overlooked by a discriminating public [emphasis in original].”[xxxv] Indeed the idea that Reconstruction was an attempt to create a non-racial democracy is indicative of another type of mythology: a mythos born from the combined ideas of the Civil Rights struggle of the 1960s, the African American memory of the Second American Revolution—preserved by Dubois—and northern ideas of progress, a mythology which although it corrects the racism of the Dunning school is surely guilty of promoting a degree of American exceptionalism.
The reason for the competing historiographical narratives surrounding the Civil War and Reconstruction is that, as Robert Penn Warren wrote in his Legacy of the Civil War, “the civil war is our only ‘felt’ history—history lived in the national imagination.”[xxxvi] If this is true how then should one evaluate the meaning of the Second American Revolution, without either creating a new mythology, or doing violence to the historical record? How to disentangle the knot of competing historiographies? Is there a way to expose what David Blight in Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory calls, the three overall visions of the Civil War: the reconcilliationist vision, the white supremacist vision, and the emancipationist vision, without unduly prejudicing one over the other?[xxxvii] I believe there is. The first step is to bound the study in time. Focusing on the history of a single day freezes the competing visions of the Civil War and Reconstruction in place, and renders possible a still-life portrait of competing aspirations. The second step is to choose a day. It can’t just be any day for then the project loses meaning. July 4, 1865 recommends itself as the first Independence Day celebration after Appomattox: a day of national reflection, in which the meaning of past conflict met the plans for future reconstruction. It also has the advantage of dividing the Second American Revolution, or the long Civil War, almost exactly in half. Furthermore by July 4, 1865, congress has decided on the policy of emancipation, but it is not yet a guaranteed reality. In the words of the poet Mathew Arnold, the nation is “wandering between two worlds/One dead, the other powerless to be born.”[xxxviii] In short, the union as it was is dying but no clear replacement appeared ready to hand.
The third step is to find a way to engage the problem without either confirming the old racist view of reconstruction as a tragic era, or reinforcing the mythology of American exceptionalism. Here the question becomes one either of finding a new historical methodology, or of refurbishing an old idea so that it meets the demands of modern scholarship. In The Mind of the South Willard J. Cash argues that the Second American Revolution succeeded in transforming the South into “a frontier once more.”[xxxix] Without accepting his racist, old-time, Dunning School interpretation of Reconstruction, nor prejudicing Frederick Jackson Turner’s definition of the frontier as the “meeting place between savagery and civilization,” the idea merits consideration.[xl] Perhaps, building on this idea in a way Cash never intended, the ideas laid down by the new western history may be applied to the history of the Second American Revolution producing a history of July 4, 1865 by tapping other themes.
Elliot West, in The Contested Plains: Indians, Goldseekers and the Rush to Colorado, defines the frontier as a “wave of new experience” a “merging of worlds,” and goes on to argue that “above all else the merging of worlds was a reevaluation of routes to power in its largest sense.”[xli] Aside from being well-written, it also serves as a workable definition of revolutionary change, one that does not rely on Gramscian theories of hegemony and counter-hegemony, or stale dynamics of revolution and counter-revolution. West also argues that this “merging of worlds” released visions of life that were fundamentally incompatible: “When moved out of human heads and set to life in the effective world, they could not exist in the same place. The reason was simple. They conceived of and used power in conflicting ways yet each drew its power from the same sources.”[xlii] This is the first major theme: that the Second American Revolution released dreams, visions of the future, which were irreconcilable, and destined to battle over the contested ground of the American Nation on July 4, 1865.
Western historians also speak of a Western Myth, concerning how the collective memory of the settling of the West, by Jeffersonian yeoman farmers, small mechanics, and tradesmen, simply isn’t true. Moreover, there is an indistinguishable line between mythology and memory. The Western Myth exists because individual’s memories of Western settlement were categorically different than the historical reality. In a similar fashion the mythology of the Civil War has its roots in the historical memory of the conflict. A close look at the history of the national anniversary after the end of the Civil War reveals the nascent mythologies emerging out of the memories of the conflict. As David Blight argues in Race and Reunion: “The Long and troubled career of Civil War memory began well before the conflict ended. It took root in the dead and the living. The living were compelled to find meaning in the dead, and, as in most wars, the dead would have a hold on the living.”[xliii] Furthermore, the mythologies present on the Fourth of July, 1865 are readily identified. First was a mythology of American exceptionalism, and a tendency to idealize both the founding generation and the Declaration of Independence. The second was the mythology of free-labor ideology. Here we see a direct overlap with the Western Myth, for the remnants of free-labor ideology, together with a Jeffersonian agrarianism, comprised the driving forces behind a view of the West as settled by small-holders, mechanics, and tradesmen. Yet, the massive revolution in production, capital-structures, labor, and the national government, intensified by the war, meant that the old free labor ideology—with its ideal of the poor attaining productive property—was increasingly obsolescent. The third mythology present on this day was the mythology surrounding pro-slavery ideology. As previously stated, slavery was a dying institution, dying but not quite dead, and the justifications planters used to assert their mastery—the mythologies behind white supremacy—were readily apparent. Finally the fourth piece of mythology is the mythology of peace: the idea that the war was over, instead of entering a new phase comprised of counter-insurgency and nation building.
The third theme derived from western history is the question of place. Elliot West in his book, The Last Indian War argues concerning the Second American Revolution: “It’s as if there are two independent historical narratives, and because the one that is set in the East and centered on the Civil War has been tapped as the defining story of its time, the one that is set out West seems peripheral, even largely irrelevant, to explaining American during a critical turn of its history.”[xliv] Focusing on a single day and viewing that day through the literature of place allows the historian to connect North, South, East and West, into a single coherent narrative regarding the effects of the Second American Revolution. The fourth theme is what Patricia Nelson Limrick called The Legacy of Conquest, or what Drew Faust in her book This Republic of Suffering, labeled, “the work of death.”[xlv] How did Americans deal with the deaths caused by the conflict on the national anniversary of American Independence? The fifth theme is the question of labor. If industrialization was making free-labor ideology obsolete, what was to take its place? Here Western history meets the historiography of the New South. Both western and southern historians speak of the creation of a colonial economy in the South and West, where raw materials were shipped to eastern manufacturing centers, and of the creation of a dependent labor force. As we have seen from the initial statement of findings both realities were in evidence on this day, but the larger question is can one see the colonial economy and a new dependent labor force, almost in the moment of their creation, on a single day? And, more importantly, what was the relationship between public policy and private interest that made these realities possible?
The final subject is the question of “Americanization,” or nation-building. Once again the impetus for the theme derives from Western history. Historians Ray Allen Billington and Martin Ridge described the end of the frontier process as “the Americanization of peoples and institutions.”[xlvi] The questions that naturally follow from this are: how were the various sections brought together, and how was a national consciousness formed out of what had been previously two independent nations? Is it possible to see, on July 4, 1865, the seeds of a new American nationalism? As Melinda Lawson states, advancing the historical consensus concerning nationalism and the American Civil War: “Most historians of the Civil War agree: the war, they argue, fostered a metamorphosis in American national identity. A restless, individualistic, acquisitive people, divided in their loyalties, suspicious of federal power, and tentative in their commitment to the nation learned through the crucible of war the importance of organized, united action, a patriotism of sacrifice and national as opposed to state loyalties. By war’s end a “Union” of states had become a “nation” of Americans.”[xlvii] This claim that the war created American national unity, however, propagates a northern vision of the war, and does not adequately examine the divided loyalties present on July 4, 1865. As an example of these separate allegiances, the citizens of Vicksburg, Mississippi would not celebrate Independence Day until 1945. Thus, the questions facing the nation resembled those confronted by more recent policy-makers both in Iraq and Afghanistan: what is the best way to undertake the re-building of a nation shattered by war, and how does one win “hearts and minds?”
To review, the proposed master’s thesis, will attempt to evaluate the history of a single day: July 4, 1865, along themes borrowed from Western history, while engaging the relevant, recent secondary literature outlined, in part, above. The themes for each chapter may each be described in a word: Dreams—or contested visions of the future, mythology, place, conquest—or death, labor, and last nation-building or Americanization. Finally, the argument underlying each of these themes is that the life-ways, habits, customs and practices on display on July, 4, 1865 fundamentally clashed because each vision “conceived of and used power in different ways.”[xlviii]
Tentative Chapter Outline:
American Dreams July 4, 1865: A Nation in Search of Itself.
22 August 2013
Chapter 1: Dreams and Visions: The Contested Meaning of the Second American Revolution.
- Dreams of Peace and Reconciliation
- Visions of White Supremacy
- Dreams inspired by Emancipation and Visions of Equality before the Law
Chapter II: Myths: Memory and the Creation of Competing Mythologies Surrounding the Civil War.
- The Mythology of American Exceptionalism
- A Northern Vision the First American Revolution as seen by the Civil War Generation
- A Southern Vision of the First American Revolution
- An African American Vision of the Founders
- The Mythology of Free Labor
- The Sons of Ham: Pro-Slavery Ideology in the Aftermath of the Civil War
- The Mythology of Peace.
Chapter III: Place: The Meaning of Sectionalism on July 4, 1865.
A. The Meaning of Place and Section on July 4, 1865.
1. A Northern Independence Day
2. The Lost Cause and Causes not Lost: The Meaning of the Southern Patriotism after Defeat on July 4, 1865.
3. Independence Day in the West: or The Civil War without Armies (something along these lines not entirely clear how to shape this)
Chapter IV: Legacy of Conquest: The Meaning of Death.
A. The Work of Death
1. Abraham Lincoln American Jesus: Remembrances of Lincoln on July 4, 1865.
2. Confederate Death: A Former Nation Remembers its Fallen
3. African American Sacrifice and the meaning of Manhood.
Chapter V: The Realities of Dependent Labor
- Colonial Economics on Display
- Labor in an Industrial Society.
Chapter VI: Nation-Building in the Aftermath of the Civil War.
Working Bibliography of Primary Sources (incomplete)
Adams, Henry W. The Past, Present, and Future of America.: An Oration Delivered in the First Presbyterian Church, Orange, New Jersey, July 4th, 1865. New York: John F. Trow &, 50 Greene Street, 1865.
Aldrich, Nelson W. Wholesale Prices, Wages and Transportation. Report of Changes in Railway Transportation Rates on Freight Traffic throughout the United States, 1852 to 1893 Part IV. Washington: Goverment Printing Office, 1893.
Anderson, Edward Clifford. Confederate Foreign Agent: The European Diary of Major Edward C. Anderson. Edited by W. Stanley Hoole. University, Alabama: Confederate Publishing Company, 1976.
Andes, John W., and Will A. McTeer. Loyal Mountain Troopers: The Second and Third Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry in the Civil War : Reminiscences of Lieutenant John W. Andes and Major Will A. McTeer. Edited by Charles S. McCammon. Maryville, TN: Blount County Genealogical and Historical Society, 1992.
Andrews, Sidney. The South Since the War. New York: Arno Press, 1969.
Banks, Nathaniel Prentiss. An Address Delivered by Major-General N.P. Banks, at the Custom House, New Orleans, on the Fourth of July, 1865. New York: Harper & Bros., 1865.
Barber, Lucius W. Army Memoirs of Lucius W. Barber, Company “D,” 15th Illinois Volunteer Infantry: May 24, 1861, to Sept. 30, 1865. Alexandria, VA: Time-Life Books, 1984.
The Bellville Countryman (Bellville, Texas). 1865.
Berlin, Ira, ed. Freedom: A Documentary History of Emancipation: Series 1 Volume II The Wartime Genesis of Free Labor: The Upper South. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press, 1993.
Bingham, Joel Foote. Bright Republic a Song and Chorus, Written for the National Jubilee, July 4th, 1865. Buffalo?: S.n., 1865.
Bishop, Albert Webb. An Oration Delivered at Fayettville, Arkansas, by Big.-Gen. Albert W. Bishop, Adjuinct General of the State, July 4 1865. New York: Baker & Godwin Printers, 1865.
Blanchard, Ira. I Marched with Sherman: Civil War Memoirs of the 20th Illinois Volunteer Infantry. San Francisco: J.D. Huff, 1992.
Blatchford, JNo. S. Circular Addressed to the Branches and Aid Societies Tributary to the U.S. Sanitary Commission. July 4, 1865. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1865.
Boker, George H. Hymn for the Union League, July 4, 1865. Philadelphia?: S.n., 1865.
Boker, George H. Poems of the War. Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 1864.
Boston City Council Dinner at Faneuil Hall July 4, 1865 Bill of Fare. [Boston]: Geo. C. Rand & Avery, Printers, 3 Cornhill, Boston., 1865.
Boutwell, George S. Reconstruction: Its True Basis. Speech of Hon. George S. Boutwell, at Weymouth, Mass., July 4, 1865. Boston: Wright & Potter, Printers, 1865.
Brown, Frederick T. An Address Delivered in the Central Presbyterian Church, Chicago July 4th, 1865,. Chicago: Jameson & Morse, Printers, 1865.
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Edwards, Abial Hall. “Dear Friend Anna”: The Civil War Letters of a Common Soldier from Maine. Edited by Beverly Hayes. Kallgren and James L. Crouthamel. Orono, Me., U.S.A.: University of Maine Press, 1992.
Fisk, Wilbur, Emil Rosenblatt, and Ruth Rosenblatt. Hard Marching Every Day: The Civil War Letters of Private Wilbur Fisk, 1861-1865. Lawrence, Kan.: University Press of Kansas, 1992.
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1. James Lynch, The Mission of the United States Republic. An Oration Delivered by Rev. James Lynch, at the Parade Ground, Augusta, Ga., July 4, 1865. (Augusta, GA: Chronicle & Sentinel Office, 1865), 12.
[ii]. William Howard Day, John Pierpont, and Henry Wilson, Celebration by the Colored People’s Educational Monument Association in Memory of Abraham Lincoln: On the Fourth of July, 1865, in the Presidential Grounds, Washington, D.C. (Washington, D.C.: McGill & Witherow, Printers, 1865), 5.
[v]. Edwin S. Redkey, A Grand Army of Black Men: Letters from African-American Soldiers in the Union Army, 1861-1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 187.
[vii]. P. A. Dell, ed., “Negro Suffrage,” The Elevator: A Weekly Journal of Progress (San Francisco, California), May 5, 1865. *N.B. The Microfilm service copy from the University of Arkansas did not contain the issues from June through September 1865 as requested, so the paper has been re-ordered. I still thought, however, that this quote was representative enough that it merited inclusion.
[viii]. William Garrison, ed., “Fourth of July,” The Liberator (Boston, MA), June 30, 1865.
[ix]. Lynch, The Mission of the United States Republic, 7.; A.J. Beale, “Certificate regarding soundness of a Negro girl sold by A.J. Beale to Angeline Outland, signed by D.U. Outland and F.W. Russell, July 4, 1865,” Folder 1, Item 7, A.J. Beale Papers 1835-1901, Accession MS 92-04, Murray State University Special Collections, Kentucky Digital Library, Accessed 21 July 2013. http://kdl.kyvl.org/catalog/xt7w6m33340r_1_13.
[x]. Whitelaw Reid, After the War: A Tour of the Southern States, 1865-1866., ed. C. Vann Woodward (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 218.
[xii]. Mary Boykin Miller Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie, ed. Ben Ames Williams (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1949), 544.
[xiii]. “Fourth of July,” The Norfolk Post (Norfolk, VA), July 4, 1865.
[xv]. Mathew Woodruff, A Union Soldier in the Land of the Vanquished: The Diary of Sergeant Mathew Woodruff, June-December, 1865, ed. F. N. Boney (University, Ala.: University of Alabama Press, 1969), 10.
[xvi]. Philip Henry Sheridan, Personal Memoirs of P.H. Sheridan, General United States Army, ed. Jeffry D. Wert (New York: Da Capo Press, 1992), 414.
[xvii]. The Bellville Countryman (Bellville, Texas), July 1, 1865.
[xix]. Carl Schurz, Report on the Condition of the South “1865”:, Civil War Classic Library (N.C.: Create Space Independent Publishing Platform, 2012), 32-33.
[xxii]. James E. Yeatman, “Freedmen’s Wages,” The National Freedman: A Monthly Journal of the New York National Freedman’s Relief Association (New York, NY), August 15, 1865.
[xxiii]. Freedom: A Documentary History of Emancipation, 1861-1867:Series 3: Volume 1: Land and Labor , 1865 (Chapel Hill: Univ of North Carolina Press, 2008), 357-358.
[xxiv]. Nelson W. Aldrich, Wholesale Prices, Wages and Transportation. Report of Changes in Railway Transportation Rates on Freight Traffic throughout the United States, 1852 to 1893 Part IV (Washington: Goverment Printing Office, 1893), 1567.
[xxv]. Palmer E. Havens, Oration of Hon. P.E. Havens, of Essex, Delivered at Crown Point, July 4, 1865. (Albany: Weed, Parsons and, Printers, 1865), 17.
[xxvi]. Frederick T. Brown, An Address Delivered in the Central Presbyterian Church, Chicago July 4th, 1865, (Chicago: Jameson & Morse, Printers, 1865), 7.
[xxvii]. Charles Austin Beard and Mary Ritter Beard, The Rise of American Civilization: Volume II The Industrial Era (New York: Macmillan, 1927), 53.
[xxviii]. W.E.B. Dubois, Black Reconstruction in America: An Essay Toward a History of the Part Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860-1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 1.
[xxix]. James M. McPherson and James Keith Hogue, Ordeal by Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2009), xxiii.
[xxx]. Bruce C. Levine, The Fall of the House of Dixie: The Civil War and the Social Revolution That Transformed the South (New York: Random House, 2013), xviii.
[xxxi]. Francis Newton Thorpe, The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, and Other Organic Laws of the States, Territories, and Colonies Now or Heretofore Forming the United States of America Vol. IV Michigan-New Hampshire (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1909), 2190.
[xxxii]. W.E.B. Dubois, “The Gall of Bitterness,” The Crisis 3, no. 4 (February 1912): 153.
[xxxiii]. Michael Vorenberg, Final Freedom: The Civil War, The Abolition of Slavery, and the Thirteenth Amendment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), i.
[xxxiv]. Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), xxvii.
[xxxv]. Eric Foner, A Short History of Reconstruction, 1863-1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1990), xvi; Themistocles Alcibiades. Jones and Nastasio Byronis. Stuffoniosi, Oration by Themistocles Alcibiades Jones and A Poem by Nastasio Byronis Stuffoniosi. Pronounced at the Parade of the Antique and Horrible Phantastiques, at Waterbury, Conn., July 4, 1865. (Waterbury [Conn.: Phantastique Committee, 1865), 7.
[xxxvi]. Robert Penn Warren, The Legacy of the Civil War (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 4.
[xxxvii]. David W. Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2001), 2.
[xxxviii]. Matthew Arnold, New Poems by Mathew Arnold (Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 1867), 180.
[xxxix]. W. J. Cash, The Mind of the South (New York: Vintage Books, 1991), 103.
[xl]. Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (New York: H. Holt and, 1920), 3.
[xli]. Elliott West, The Contested Plains: Indians, Goldseekers, & the Rush to Colorado (Lawrence, Kan.: University Press of Kansas, 1998), xxii.
[xliii]. Blight, Race and Reunion, 6.
[xliv]. Elliott West, The Last Indian War: The Nez Perce Story (Oxford [England: Oxford University Press, 2009), xix.
[xlv]. Drew Gilpin. Faust, This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2008), xiv.
[xlvi].Ray Allen Billington and Martin Ridge, Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier (New York: Macmillan, 1982), 2.
[xlvii]. Melinda Lawson, Patriot Fires: Forging a New American Nationalism in the Civil War North (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2002), 3.
[xlviii]. West, The Contested Plains, xxiv.